wr. 


WAR     INIORMATION     SERIES 


No.  6 


August,  1917 


AMERICAN  LOYALTY 


By 
CITIZENS  OF  GERMAN  DESCENT 


[This  issue  may  be  had  in  Germtn  translation] 


iC/S. 


Published  by  COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLIC. INFORMATION.  Washington.  D.  C. 

25 


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cents  each  to  cover  the  cost  of  printing. 

I.  H«tl,  Whit*',  and  IJliu'  Si'iies: 

No.  1.  lli'w  tlio  War  Came  to  America  (English,  German, 
Polish,    Bohemian,    Italian,    Spanish,    and    Swedish). 

No.  2.  National  Service  Handbook  (primarily  for  libraries, 
schools,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  's,  clubs,  fraternal  organiza- 
tions, etc.,  as  a  guide  and  reference  work  on  all 
forms  of  war  acti\'ity — civil,  charitable,  and  mili- 
tary. 

No.  3.  The  Battle  Line  of  Democracy.  Prose  and  Poetry  of 
the   Great   War. 

No.  4.  The  President's  Flag  Day  Speech  with  Evidence  of  Ger- 
many 's  Plans. 

No.  5.  Conquest  and  Kultur,  the  Germans'  Aims  in  Their  Own 
Words,  by  Wallace  Notestein  and  Elmer  E.  Stoll. 
Other  issues  in  preparation. 

II.  War  Information  Scries: 

No.   1.  The  War  Message  and  Facts  Behind  It. 

No.  2.  The  Nation   in  Arms,  by  Secretaries  Lane  and  Baker. 

No.  3.  The    Government    of    Germany,    by    Prof.    Charles    D. 

Ilazen. 
No.  4.  The  Great  War:  from  Spectator  to  Participant. 
No.  5.  A    War    of    Self-Defense,    by    Secretary    Lansing    and 

Assistant  Secretary  of  Labor  Louis  F.  Post. 
No.  6.  American  Loyalty  by  Citizens  of  German  Descent. 
No.  7.  Amerikanische    Biirgertreue,    a    translation    of    No.    6. 
No.  8.  American  Interest  in  Popular  Government  Abroad,  by 

Prof.  E.  B.  Greene. 
No.  9.  Home  Reading  Course  for  Citizen  Soldiers. 
No.  10.  First  Session  of  the  War  Congress,  by  Charles  Merz. 
Other  issues  will  appear  shortly. 

III.  Official  nullctin: 

Accurate  daily  statement  of  what  all  agencies  of  govern- 
ment are  doing  in  war  times.  Sent  free  to  newspapers 
and  postmasters  (to  be  put  on  bulletin  boards).  Sub- 
scription price,  $5  per  year. 


Address  requests  and  orders  to 

COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLIC  INFORMATION, 

Wasliinfiton,    1>.    C. 


SRlF 
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''-^^^^^j9 


A  TRIBUTE  TO  THE  FOREIGN  BORN. 

liy   \V(»(»i)i{()\v  Wilson. 

Some  of  tlie  best  slulV  (•!"  Anifricii  has  i-oiiic  out  of  foreign 
lands,  and  some  of  Hk;  best  stuff  in  America  is  in  the  men  who 
are  naturalized  citizens  of  tlie  I'nited  States.  I  would  not  be 
afraid  upon  the  test  of  "Amci-iea  first"  to  take  a  census  of  all 
the  foreign-bom  citizens  of  the  Tnitcd  States,  for  I  know  that 
the  vast  majority  of  them  came  here  because  they  believed  in 
America ;  and  their  belief  in  America  has  made  them  better 
citizens  than  some  people  who  were  born  in  America.  •  •  • 
I  am  not  deceived  as  to  the  balance  of  opinion  among  the  for- 
eign-born citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  I  am  in  a  hurry  for 
an  opportunity  to  have  a  liue-uj)  and  let  the  men  who  are  think- 
ing first  of  other  countries  stand  on  one  side  ;uid  all  tlmse  tliat 
are  for  America  first,  last,  and  all  the  time  on  tlie  other  side. 

(3) 


GERMAN-AMERICAN  LOYALTY. 

By    C.    KOTZKN'AUE. 

My  emotions  tell  inc  one  lliini^  at  this  awful  lime,  bul  nty 
reason  tolls  me  anotluT.  As  a  (icrnian  by  l)irth  it  is  n  horri- 
ble calamity  tliat  1  may  have  to  fipjht  rronnans.  That  is 
natural,  is  it  not?  But  as  an  American  by  preference,  I  can 
see  no  other  course  open. 


For  25  years  Germany  has  sliown  dislike  for  the  Ignited 
States — tlie  Samoan  affair,,  the  Ilonprkons  contretemps,  the 
I\ranihi  Bay  incident,  the  inifnmi'ded  words  of  t)ie  Kaiser 
himself,  and,  lastly,  tlie  Haitian  controversy  in  1014 
*  •  *.  And  it  has  not  been  from  mere  comnien-ial  or 
diplomatic  friction.  It  is  because  their  ideals  of  govern- 
ment are  absolutely  opposite.  One  or  the  other  must  pro 
down.    It  is  for  us  to  siiy  now  which  it  shall  be. 

Because  of  my  birth  and  fe(«lin£rs  beyond  my  <-oiitrol  T 
have  no  particular  love  for  the  French  and  less  for  tlie 
British.  But  by  a  strange  irony  of  fate  I  see  those  nations 
giving  their  blood  for  princii)les  wliidi  T  linid  drar.  again.st 
the  wnni^  principles  of  peo])le  I  individually  love.  It  is 
a  very  unhajipy  paradox,  but  one  I  can  not  escape.  I  do 
not  want  to  see  the  allies  triumph  over  the  land  of  my  birth. 
But  I  very  much  want  to  see  the  triumph  of  the  ideas  they 
fight  for. 

It  sickens  my  soul  to  think  of  this  Xaticm  poing  forth  to 
help  destroy  people  many  of  whom  are  bound  to  me  by  ties 
of  blood  and  friendshiii.  Hut  it  nnist  be  ,so.  It  is  like  a 
dreadful  surgical  operation.  The  militaristic,  undemocratic 
demon  which  rules  Germany  must  Iv^  cast  out.  It  is  for  us 
to  do  it — now.  I  have  tried  to  tell  my.self  that  it  is  not  our 
affair,  that  we  should  have  contentr'd  oui-selves  with  measures 
of  defense  and  armed  neutrality.     But  I  know  that  is  not  so. 

(5) 


The  mailed  fist  has  been  shaken  under  our  nose  before.  If 
Priissianism  triumplis  in  this  war  the  fist  will  continue  to 
shake.  We  shall  be  in  real  peril,  and  those  ideas  for  wliieh 
so  much  of  the  world's  best  blood  has  been  spilled  through 
the  centuries  will  be  in  danger  of  extinction.  It  seems  to 
me  common  sense  that  we  begin  our  defense  by  immediate 
attack  when  the  demon  is  occupied  and  when  we  can  com- 
mand a.ssistance. 

There  is  much  talk  of  what  people  like  me  will  do,  and 
fear  of  the  hyphen.  No  such  thing  exists.  The  German- 
American  is  as  staunch  as  the  American  of  adoption  of  any 
other  land  and  perhaps  more  so.  Let  us  make  war  upon 
Germany,  not  from  revenge,  not  to  uphold  hairsplitting 
quibbles  of  international  law,  but  let  us  make  war  with  our 
whole  heart  and  with  all  our  strength,  because  Germany 
woi*ships  one  god  and  we  another  and  because  the  lion  and 
the  lamb  can  not  lie  down  together.  One  or  the  other  must 
perish. 

Let  us  make  war  upon  the  Germany  of  the  Junkerthum, 
the  Germany  of  frightfulness,  the  Germany  of  arrogance 
and  selfishness,  and  let  us  swear  not  to  make  peace  until  the 
Imperial  German  Government  is  the  sovereign  German 
people. 


AMERICANS  OF  GERMAN  ORIGIN  AND  THE  WAR. 

•  By  Orro  Kahn. 

This  nation  is  unitod  in  imrsuann'  of  a  h\<^]\  jmrposf',  a 
purpose  which  at  this  fateful  iiionicnt  is  one  and  tlic  same 
whoruvcr.  throiif»hoiit  tho  worhl,  the  languago  of  free  in'H 
is  spoken  and   understood. 

Tt  is  tlie  purpose  of  a  common  determination  to  fit^lit  and 
to  bear  and  to  dare  everything?  and  never  to  eoase  nor  rest 
until  the  accursed  thins  which  luis  brouf^ht  upon  the  world 
the  unutterable  ealamity,  th(>  devil's  visitation  of  tiiis  appall- 
ing war,  is  destroyed  lu'vond  all  possibility  of  resurre(.-tion. 

That  accursed  thin<j  is  not  a  nation,  but  an  evil  spirit,  a 
spirit  which  has  made  thi'  Government  possessed  by  it  and 
executing  its  abhorrent  and  bloody  bidding  an  abomination 
in  the  sight  of  God  and  men. 

"What  we  are  now  contending  for  by  the  side  of  our  splen- 
didly brave  and  sorely  tried  comrades  in  arms,  after  infinite 
forbearance,  after  delay  which  many  of  us  found  it  hard  to 
bear,  are  the  things  which  are  amongst  the  highest  and  most 
cherished  that  the  civilized  world  has  attained  throu<;h  the 
toil,  sacrifices,  and  suffering  of  its  best  in  the  course  of 
many  centuries. 

They  are  the  things  without  which  darkness  would  fall  upon 
hope  and  life  would  become  intolerable. 

They  are  the  things  of  liumanity,  liberty,  justice,  and 
mercy,  for  which  the  best  men  amongst  all  the  nations — in- 
cluding the  German  nation — have  fought  and  bled  these 
many  generations  past,  which  were  the  ideals  of  Luther, 
Goethe,  Schiller,  Kant,  and  a  host  of  othei-s  who  had  matle 
the  name  of  Germany  great  and  beloved  until  fanatical  Prus- 
sianism,  run  amuck,  came  to  make  its  deeds  a  byword  and  a 
hissing. 

This  appalling  conflict  which  has  been  drenching  the  world 
with  blood  is  not  a  mere  fight  of  one  or  more  peoples  against 
one  or  more  other  peoples. 

(7) 


8 

It  goes  far  deeper. 

It  sharply  divides  the  soul  and  oonscienee  of  the  world. 

It  transcends  vastly  the  bounds  of  racial  allegiance. 

It  is  ethically  fundamental. 

In  determining  one's  attitude  toward  it,  the  time  has  gone 
by — if  it  ever  was — when  race  and  blood  and  inherited  affilia- 
tions were  permitted  to  count. 

A  centur}'  and  a  half  ago  Americans  of  English  birth  rose 
to  free  this  coimtry  from  the  oppression  of  the  rulers  of 
England.  To-day  Americans  of  Gennan  birth  are  called 
upon  to  rise,  together  with  their  fellow  citizens  of  all  races, 
to  free  not  only  this  coimtry  but  the  whole  world  from  the 
oppression  of  the  rulers  of  Germany,  an  oppression  far  less 
capable  of  being  endured  and  of  far  graver  portent. 

Speaking  as  one  born  of  Gorman  parents,  I  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  state  it  as  my  deep  conviction  that  the  greatest  service 
which  men  of  German  birth  or  antecedents  can  render  to 
the  country  of  thoir  origin  is  to  proclaim  and  to  stand  up 
for  those  great  and  fine  ideals  and  national  qualities  and  tra- 
ditions which  they  inherited  from  their  ancestors,  and  to  set 
their  faces  like  flint  against  the  monstrous  doctrines  and  acts 
of  a  rulership  which  ha.s  robbed  them  of  the  Germany 
which  they  loved  and  in  which  they  took  just  pride,  the  Ger- 
many which  had  the  good  will,  respect  and  admiration  of  the 
entire  world. 

I  do  not  hesitate  to  state  it  as  my  solemn  conviction  that 
the  more  unmistakably  and  wholeheartedly  Americans  of 
German  origin  throw  themselves  into  the  struggle  which  this 
country  has  entered  in  order  to  rescue  Germany,  no  less  than 
America  and  the  rest  of  the  world,  from  those  sinister  forces 
that  are,  in  President  Wilson's  language,  the  enemy  of  all 
mankind,  the  better  they  protect  and  serve  the  repute  of  the 
old  German  name  and  the  true  advantage  of  the  German 
people. 

I  measure  my  words.  They  are  borne  out  all  too  em- 
phatically by  the  hido<ms  eloquence  of  deeds  which  have 
appalled  the  conscience  of  the  civilized  Avorld.  They  are 
borne  out  by  numberless  expressions,  M'ritten  and  spoken, 
of  German  professors  employed  by  the  State  to  teach  its 
youth. 


9 

Tlio  1)111(1(11  of  that  ti-.H-hiiiK'  is  that  ini^'ht  iiiak.-s  rifjlit, 
and  that  the  Cicrnian  natiiMi  has  bfi'u  cliosm  to  exercise 
morally,  iiiciitally.  ami  a-'tiiaily  tlie  ovfrlnrdship  of  the 
world  ;iiid  iiiiisl  and  will  afcoiiiplish  that  task  and  that  des- 
tiny whaicvcr  tiio  cost  in  hloodslu-d.  misery,  and  ruin. 

The  spirit  of  that  tcachinj;:  lies  in  its  intolerance,  its  mix- 
tiiiT  (»l'  sauet  iiiionionsness  and  covetoiisness  and  its  .self- 
righteous  assumption  of  a  world-improving?  mission.  It  is 
closely  akin  t(»  the  spirit  from  which  were  bred  the  wars  of 
the  past  throti^'li  the  lonj;  ami  dark  years  wlien  feudal  fac- 
tions killed  one  another  and  devastated   Hurope. 

I  speak  in  sorntw,  for  1  am  speaking  of  the  country  of  my 
origin  and  [  have  not  forgotten  what  I  owe  to  it. 

I  speak  in  hitter  disa])j)ointiiient,  for  I  am  thinking  of 
the  Germany  of  former  days,  the  ricrmany  which  has  con- 
trihiited  its  full  share  to  the  store  of  the  world's  imperishable 
assets  ami  which,  in  not  a  few  fields  of  liuman  endeavor  and 
aehievement,  held  the  je.iding  jilace  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth. 

And  I  speak  in  tlie  firm  faith  that,  after  its  people  shall 
have  shaken  olf  and  made  at(»nenient  for  the  dreadful  spell 
which  an  evil  fate  has  east  upon  them,  former  Germany  is 
bound  to  arise  again  and.  in  due  eoui-se  of  time,  will  again 
deserve  and  attain  the  good  will  and  the  high  respect  of  the 
world  and  the  affectionate  loyalty  of  all  those  of  German 
blood  in  foreign  lands. 

But  I  know  that  neither  Germany  nor  this  country  n<u' 
the  rest  of  the  W(M-ld  can  return  to  happiness  and  peace  and 
fruitful  labor  until  it  shall  have  been  made  manifest,  bitterly 
and  luimistakably  manifest  to  llie  rulers  who  bear  the  blood- 
guilt  for  this  wanton  war  and  to  their  misinformed  and  mis- 
guided peoples  that  the  spirit  which  unchainetl  it  can  nt>t 
prevail,  that  the  hateful  do<'trines  and  metho(^^.  in  juirsuance 
of  wliii'h  and  in  comiiliam-e  with  which  it  is  conducted  an- 
rejected  with  abhorrence  by  the  eivili/ed  world,  and  that  the 
overweening  ambitions  which  it  was  meant  to  serve  can  never 
be  achieved. 

The  fight  for  civilization  which  we  all   fondly  believed  had 
been    won    many   years   ago   must    be    fought    over   again.     In 
this  sacred  struggle  i*   is  now  our  privilege  to  take  no  mean 
part,  and   jur  glory  to  bring  sacrifices. 
862G— 17 2 


10 

Our  one  and  supreme  job,  the  one  purpose  to  which  all 
others  must  give  way,  is  to  bring  this  war  to  a  successful 
conc-hisiou. 

To  accomplish  that,  let  each  one  of  us  feel  himself  per- 
sonally responsible,  let  each  one  of  us  work  as  if  our  life 
depended  on  the  result.  And,  in  a  very  real  sense,  does  not 
our  national  life  and  our  individual  life  dt*pend  on  the  out- 
come oi"  this  war? 

Would  life  be  tolerable  if  the  power  of  Prussianism.  run 
mad  and  nuirderous.  held  the  world  by  the  throat,  if  the 
primacy  of  the  eartli  belonged  to  a  government  steeped  in 
the  doctrines  of  a  barbarous  past  and  supported  by  a  ruling 
caste  which  preaches  the  deification  of  sheer  might,  which 
despises  liberty,  hates  democracy,  and  would  destroy  both 
if  it  could .' 

To  that  spirit  and  to  those  doctrines  we,  citizens  of 
America  and  servants,  as  such,  of  humanity,  will  oppose 
our  solemn  and  unshakable  resolution  "to  make  the  world 
safe  for  democracy,"  and  we  will  say,  with  a  clear  con- 
science, in  the  noble  words  which  more  than  500  years  ago 
were  uttered  by  the  Parliament  of  Scotland: 

It  is  not  for  glory,  or  for  riches,  or  for  honor  that  we  fght,  but  for 
liberty  alon^,  which  no  good  man  loses  hut  with  his  life. 


NATIONAL  SERVICE  KNOWS  NO  HYPHEN. 

By  F.  W.  liKHMANN. 

Judge  F.  IV.  I.ehmnnn  was-  horn  in  Pntssta  in  1S5S.  Tie 
received  his  collcfiiatc  and  lif/af  tdiwation  in  thtJt  roiintrj). 
He  has  been  presidtnt  of  the  American  liar  Association  aiul 
was  Roli"iior  General  of  the  United  States  under  rresi^hnt 
Tuft. 

I  am  an  Amoriean  eitizcMi  of  Gorman  bii-tli,  but  I  liave 
nevor  counted  that  fact  as  among  my  jjolitical  assets.  An- 
cesti-y  is  one  thinf;,  and  alles^iance  is  another  and  very  difT«'r- 
ent  thin*?,  not  in  any  way  to  ho  qualified  by  ancesfr>-.  and 
especially  not  when  dangerous  duty  is  involved. 

The  repugnance  to  fighting  one's  own  kindred  is  a  natural 
one,  but  circumstances  may  make  such  fighting  unavoid- 
able. It  was  so  in  our  Civil  War,  in  which  mj'  father  took 
his  i)art.  ^len  of  German  ancestry  were  there  found  upon 
both  sides.  They  were  in  the  charge  of  Pickett's  division 
and  tliey  were  in  the  lines  which  repelled  that  charge.  !More 
than  this,  brother  in  that  war  fought  against  brother  and 
father  against  son. 

That  our  soldiers  of  German  birth  and  of  German  ancestry 
may  be  subjected  to  unjust  (luestion  of  their  loyalty  is  ini- 
fortunately  true.  This  will  make  tlieir  duty  mon-  ditHicult, 
more  disagreeable,  and  niore  dangei-ous.  l)nt  that  is  no  reason 
for  shirking  the  duty. 

I  have  steadfastly  refused  from  the  beginning  of  the 
present  troubles  to  do  any  act  or  refrain  from  any  act  when 
the  floing  or  refraining  meant  any  kind  of  fiualification  of  my 
citizenship. 

This  is  not  an  academic  question  with  me.  T  am  perhaps 
too  nnich  advanced  in  years  for  active  military  service,  but 
I  have  two  sons,  neither  of  them  subject  to  conscription, 
who  liave  voMuiteered.  One  of  them,  as  a  member  of  the 
Missouri  Field  Artillery,  served  Ins  time  on  the  ^lexiean 
border,  and  has  just  finished  his  course  of  training  at  Fort 
Riley  and   has   been   commissioned   as   captain    of   Field    Ar- 

(H) 


12 

tillery  in  the  Officers'  Reserve  Corps.  Like  his  comrades  at 
that  camp,  he  will  do  his  duty  as  that  is  prescribed  for  him 
bv  the  constituted  authorities  of  his  country.  The  other  has 
assisted  iu  organizing  a  company  of  Field  Artillery  in 
Iowa,  and  has  been  honored  by  his  comrades  with  the  posi- 
tion of  senior  first  lieutenant.  He  will  not  forfeit  their  eon- 
fidence  by  any  attempt  at  selection  of  a  service  k'ss  difficult, 
less  disagreeable,  or  less  dangerous  than  that  to  which  they 
are  a.ssigned. 

Everj'  consideration  of  the  welfare  of  our  people  deter- 
mines me  against  any  discrimination.  It  means  that  lines  of 
descent  shall  become  perpetual  lines  of  cleavage,  resulting  in 
a  discordant  nationality',  Avith  varying  rights  and  duties  for 
its  different  parts.  That  there  should  be  question  by  some 
of  our  citizens  of  the  loyalty  of  others  is  a  matter  of  ]>ro- 
found  regret,  but  to  submit  to  suspicion  is  to  confirm  rather 
than  to  repel  it.  In  the  past  history  of  this  country  there 
never  has  been  a  suggestion  of  "exempting  German- Ameri- 
can citizens  from  actual  military  service  at  the  front"  or 
from  any  other  duty  to  which  any  other  citizen  might  be  called. 
And  so  let  it  be  now  and  ever  hereafter. 


THE  SPIRIT  OF  '48  IN  1917. 

I'.y    l-'i;  WV.    SiCKI-. 

Franc  Sigcl,  tin-  son  of  (h  n.  Frans;  Si<jil,  famous  an  an 
exile  from  autocralio  Germany  in  1848-4i)  and  aa  one  of  the 
hraiisl  of  the  brave  in  the  Civil  War,  needs  no  introductory 
Jiolt.  Mr.  Sigel  is  now  n  resithnt  of  New  York  City,  and  the 
follawint/  article  is  an  ixtract  from  the  New  York  Timin  of 
Sunday,  July  2S,  11)1.7. 

I  am  a  t'ull-bloodrd  (Ji-rnian,  tk'seoiuli'd  i"iv)ni  Cu'i-man 
"Foity-eighters."  ]\ly  father,  Gen.  Franz  SiKel,  his  brothers, 
and  my  maternal  frraiidl'ather  wore  driven  from  Germany 
on  aeeount  of  tlicir  jJaT'lifipalion  in  the  revohition  of  184H  in 
Germany. 

My  forebears  had  all  saenliced  the  home  of  thi-ir  birtli  in 
their  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Later  they  foiifjht 
for  the  Tnion  and  the  freedom  of  the  slaves.  Only  one.  a 
maternal  nncle,  ever  revisited  Germany,  and  he.  too,  returned 
to  tifrht  on  the  Union  side.  None  even  went  back  to  Germany 
to  live. 

In  April,  1801,  n)y  father  enlisted  in  the  same  strup^'le. 
lie  is  fi-e(iiiently  referred  to  as  one  who  did  much  for  the 
NatidU  in  its  erisis  of  '(il  ;  lit'  is  at  times  mentioned  in  the 
public  piess  as  one  whose  example  mi^'lit  well  be  i-mulatcd 
now  by  the  youth  of  German  descent.  "What  dnriufr  his 
lifetime  was  his  attitude  on  Americanism  and  "German- 
Americanism"?  If  we  sons  are  to  follow  where  he  would 
liavc  led.  where  <loes  the  path  Icid  ' 

lie  was  an  ed]icated  man.  had  been  fjradiiated  from  a 
reeojrnized  cadet  sclio()l  in  Carlsruhe,  Baden,  became  a 
trained  soldier,  and  had  been  at  Ileidelberp.  He  knew  and 
spoke  Eufrlish  before  he  came  liere,  but  his  German  accent 
never  left  him.  The  lan^uaf^e  of  our  home  was  German, 
and  r  ccmtinue  that  enstom  in  my  o\ni  home,  ^fy  wife 
speaks  no  German,  but  our  boy  and  I  speak  nothinfr  but 
German  together.  T  well  remember  that  my  father  told  me 
to  speak  English  with  him  in  ]>ubiic.  becanse  it  was  an  instilt 

(13) 


14 

to  other  citizens  to  speak  in  their  presence  a  language  that 
they  did  not  iindei-stand.  Once  I  took  him  to  a  public  func- 
tion at  my  collegt';  the  professor  of  German,  my  lifcUmg 
friend,  when  he  met  my  father  in  a  roomful  of  other  visitors 
addressed  him  in  German,  thinking  to  please  him.  But  the 
rt'ply  came  in  English,  and  the  professor  at  once  accommo- 
dated himself  to  the  change. 

Franz  Sigel  knew  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  what  it  meant  for  the  rights  of  humanity  long  before 
he  came  to  this  country,  and  he  knew  it  better  than  many 
Americans  who  were  born  and  died  here.  His  passion  was 
the  liberty  of  man.  "When  he  revolted  against  the  Govern- 
ment oL  Baden  he  kncAV  the  goal  he  was  aiming  to  reach.  As 
adjutant  general,  under  the  commander  of  the  Baden  revo- 
lutionists, Ludwig  ^Nlieroslawski,  a  Pole  who  spoke  no  Ger- 
man, he  himself  probably  wrote  an  "Order  of  the  day'* 
dated  "Headquarters,  Rastatt,  June  27,  1849,"  which  hangs 
on  my  wall.  It  is  addressed  to  the  revolutionary  army  in  camp 
at  that  fortress,  and  concludes: 

The  limit  of  our  ramp  is  the  boundary  between  the  traitors  to  and 
the  defenders  of  Germany  •  *  »  Freedom  or  slavery — let  that  be 
the  motto  that  shall  resound  in  the  ears  of  the  enemy  from  the  throata 
of  20,000  detennined  men. 

I  have  also  hanging  on  my  wall,  as  my  father  had  it 
hanging  on  his  wall  as  long  as  I  can  reiuember,  a  list  of  28 
of  his  brothei-s  in  arms  subsequently  cai)tured,  condeinned, 
and  shot  as  traitors,  entitled  "Germany's  martyrs  to  Free- 
dom." The  remnant  of  the  revolutionary'  army — about 
7,000 — escaped  under  my  father's  leadership  into  Switzer- 
land from  the  Prussians  under  Prince  AVilliam,  afterward 
the  first  German  Emperor.  ^Many  of  them  and  their  families 
emigrated  to  America. 

The  imiiication  of  Germany  under  the  Gennan  Emperor, 
in  1871,  was  a  realization  in  part  of  the  hopes  of  the 
"Forty-eighters. "  That  it  was  not  complete  may  be 
gatJH-red  by  what  my  fatiier  M'rote  in  an  article  in  the  Intrr- 
vational  Maf/azinr  about  four  years  later.  He  said  of  Ger- 
many that  it  was  a  great  Empire  and  that  "the  long-r-her- 
ished  hopes  of  her  patriots  and  martyrs"  were  "realized, 
at  lea.st  in  a  great  measure,"  and  that  Germany  was  "steadily 


15 

progressing  in  the  path  of  political,  social,  and  rolit^ioiis  re- 
form." Again,  in  18!)7,  a  few  years  hflnn-  his  d.-atli.  he 
wrote : 

Germany  will  survive  the  stonns  of  another  century — tfcnt  i\uo»- 
tions  involvinjf  its  domestic  und  foroij,'n  |«tlicieH,  its  Hociiil  and  pro- 
nomie  conditions,  its  existing  miiitaristii,  the  status  of  its  coninion 
people — these  must  be  settled;  they  will  and  can  not  he  uvoidud  hy 
foreijjn  ojicrationH,  by  new  l)ur«lens  imposed  on  tlie  people,  nor  by 
the  iiitM'e  i|  si>  dixit  of  power. 

In  1!)02  \\h'.  artiek's  i'lom  wliidi  lliis  is  taUi-n  wi-i-i-  piih- 
lishcd  in  ^lannhcim,  liaden,  nndcr  tin;  title  "  DcnkwiirdiK- 
keitcn  aus  den  .lalncn,  184S-1S4!);"  Inil  th<  nhovi  /uinit/ntph 
is  ohiUlcd. 

There  is  pi'ophecy  in  these  words  that  may  come  tnic 
Franz  Sigel  had  not  in  50  yeai-s  forgotten  "militarism."  the 
"status  of  the  eojnmon  people."  Germany  was  united,  pow- 
erful, yes;  but  there  were  ([uestions  "still  to  be  .settled," 
not  to  be  "avoided  by  foreign  operations,"  by  "new  Imr- 
deus  to  be  imposed  on  the  people,"  by  "the  mere  ipse  dixit 
of  power."  Did  he  not  in  old  age  dn.'am  the  dreams  of  Ins 
youtii.  even  yet  not  realized?  Did  he  not  still  cherish  for 
the  Gernuui  people,  the  "connnon"  i)eoi)le,  the  hopes  of 
50  years  ago  and  look  toward  their  ultimate,  n-alizalion  ? 
And  is  the  pre.sent  not  moving  toward  such  jealization  ? 

Does  the  life  of  Franz  Sigel  show  that  he  liad  no  Impe 
for  the  release  of  the  Clerinan  ])eople  from  the  absohitisiii 
he  combated  in  youth?  AVouId  he  not  now  stand  true  to  his 
lifelong  convictions,  triu'  to  the  ideals  for  which  he  fought 
on  two  continents,  true  to  the  inscription  on  his  tombstone 
l)laeed  there  at  his  written  re(|uest.  ^'An  American  Citizen 
and  Soldier"?  Would  he  not  ai'ray  himself  on  the  side  of 
America  in  the  struggle  to  "nud<e  the  world  safe  for  democ- 
racy"? Ilis  article  on  "The  American  Republic"  in  the 
hitrrnntioval  Magazine,  quoted  above,  concluded  with  tlie 
words : 

If  there  are  any  utterances  speci:illy  api>ropriate  to  the  great  task 
before  us,  th^y  are  those  which  breathe  the  spirit  of  the  sturdy  and 
heroic  English  sailor  at  the  battle  of  Trafalgar — to  ai'ply  the  words 
of  Nelson  to  our  own  situation — "The  American  Republic  expect! 
every  nvin  to  do  liis  duty." 

I  know  he  would  repeat  these  words  to-day. 


16 

lu  the  fires  of  the  Civil  AVar  the  North  and  the  South 
were  welded  into  one  great  union  of  States.  If  the  fires  of 
the  present  war  will  weld  the  many  nationalities  in  our 
citizenship  into  one  great  cohesive  union  of  nationalitii's, 
and  bum  away  the  adjectives  of  nationalism  from  "Ameri- 
can." then  will  there  be  a  national  i>r()iit  that  will  more  than 
balance  the  terrible  sacrifices  we  shall  be  required  to  make. 

AVhere  do  we,  the  sons  of  men  like  Franz  Sigel  and  his 
companions  in  the  struggle  for  liberty,  stand?  If  we  are 
to  be  true  to  them  and  the  ideals  for  which  they  fought,  we 
mu.st  stand  to-day  on  the  side  of  America  and  freedom 
against  the  German  Government  and  autocracy.  AVe  shall 
not  then  fight  against  our  blood  kindred,  but,  in  the  broader 
sen.se,  we  shall  fight  for  them  against  a  Government  not  of 
their  o\ni  creation.  AVe  shall  secure  fur  them  the  right  of 
self-government,  the  right  of  a  people  and  not  of  a  Kaiser 
to  find  its  place  "in  the  sun" — the  sun  of  liberty  and 
equality. 

If  we  are  to  emulate  the  example  of  Franz  Sigel,  what 
shall  we  do?  Let  him  answer  in  the  words  of  the  last  public 
speech  he  ever  made,  in  German  to  German- Americans : 

Politit-ally ,  I  am  an  American  and  nothing  else;  but  I  am  proud 
to  be  a  German.  I  would  consider  myself  less  than  a  man  ucre  I 
to  forget  the  tremendous  sacrifices  made  by  the  immigrant  Germans 
in  defense  of  their  new  Fatherland.  Shall  this  blood  have  flowed  in 
vainT  Shall  we  now  attack  this  America  to  which  we  gave  all  we 
had  to  give?  This  country  is  our  country;  our  interests  are  its  in- 
terests; here  we  are;  here  will  our  descendants  be;  here  we  shall  stay. 
The  Union,  now  and  forever. 


PLAIN  WORDS  BY  A  PLAIN  CITIZEN.' 

By  Hans  RuysAU,  I'ipeslonc,  Minn. 

Real  war  lias  oonio  to  oui-  vci-y  doors  at  last.  It  was  do- 
med us  to  stay  out  of  it.  It  was  not  of  our  seeking;,  althou^li 
our  foe  proclaims  that  such  is  the  case.  He  assures  us  of  his 
friendship  and  his  good  will,  and  at  the  same  time  commits 
acts  of  war  and  intrigue  against  our  country  in  the  most 
flagrant  manner.  When  Ave  protested  he  made  us  promises 
onl}^  to  be  broken  again  almost  as  soon  as  made. 

AVe  were  goaded  into  this  war  in  spite  of  ourselves.  TIow 
could  we  stay  out  of  it  and  save  our  honor  in  the  face  of  the 
rest  of  the  world,  that  looks  up  to  us  as  the  standard  bearer 
of  humanity  and  justice?  Protestation  i)!-oved  useless.  Our 
pleadings  for  humanity's  and  civilization's  sake  wen;  an- 
swered with  this:  "Our  acts  are  necessitated  by  war.  "We 
can  not  recognize  any  rules  laid  down,  to  fight  by.  "We  are 
fighting  for  our  existence.     "We  want  a  place  in  the  sun." 

It  is  immaterial  as  to  the  sjiark  that  ignited  the  funeral 
pyre  of  the  best  nations  of  tlie  earth,  but  it  is  impoi-tant  to 
apprehend  the  party  or  i)arties  that  deliberately  touched  off 
this  conflagration  that  threatens  to  devour  and  destroy  every- 
thing that  is  good  in  men ;  everything  that  men  have  died 
for ;  tliat  cost  rivers  of  blood  to  attain,  namely,  humanity  and 
self-government. 

The  desperate  wail  of  Germany  that  it  is  fighting  for  ex- 
istence is  true  in  part.  But  it  is  true  only  of  those  that  are 
wailing.  The  autocracy  and  its  military  ramifications  that 
dominate  the  German  people's  destiny  are  doomed.  They 
are  battling  for  their  existence.  The  common  German  people 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  any  source.  They  have  their 
place  in  the  sun.  They  are  respected  and  admired  every- 
where, and  justly  so.  for  they  are  a  great  people.     They  have 


'  From  PipcHtoiie  (Minn.)  Lender,  May  10,  1917. 

(17)  ^ 


18 

in  the  past  coutributed  a  large  share  in  the  acliievoments  of 
science,  of  learning,  and  in  every  endeavor  of  mankind  for 
the  enlightenment  and  betterment  of  conditions  of  humanity 
in  general.  This  they  have  done  not  because  of  their  auto- 
cratic form  of  government  but  in  spite  of  it.  No  matter 
what  opinions  may  be  at  the  present,  in  the  heat  of  this  strife, 
judgments  are  apt  to  be  warped,  and  criticism  unjust.  "What 
ever  may  be  the  result  of  this  struggle,  even  should  the  Ger- 
man nation  be  wiped  out  of  existence,  no  power  on  earth  can 
rob  tht-m  of  their  past  achievements;  the  work  of  her  scien- 
tists, her  poets,  her  artists,  her  singers,  her  philosopher, 
her  educators,  will  live  forever,  and  so  will  the  German 
people.  Xo  one  thinks  of  de.stroying  them.  The  remainder 
of  the  world  loves  and  admires  them  too  much  for  that. 
The  world  is  not  against  them  but  for  them.  They  want 
to  save  them  from  their  ovra  self-destruction  from  autocracy 
and  militarism. 

The  last  important  citadel  of  autocracy  is  struggling  to 
maintain  itself,  and  threatens  to  engulf  the  rest  of  the 
world ;  to  spread  its  balef ulness  over  the  earth ;  to  trample 
liberty  and  .self-government  into  the  dust.  To  prevent  the 
consummation  of  this  is  the  principal  reason  that  we,  the 
people  of  the  United  States  of  America,  have  entered  this 
war,  reluctantly  but  determinedly.  We  do  not  underesti- 
mate our  adversary.  "We  are  well  aware  of  his  strength,  and 
we  are  willing  to  sacrifice  our  best  in  blood  and  treasure  to 
remove  this  menace. 

The  present  ruling  class  of  Germany  must  be  removed  or 
at  lea.st  be  made  impotent  of  doing  any  further  mischief. 
When  this  is  accomplished  a  great  stride  will  have  been 
made  toward  universal  world  peace.  Under  a  new  liberal, 
free  government,  the  German  people  will  expand  and  blos- 
som into  a  still  greater  nation,  and  all  thfe  energy  and  brain 
power  will  be  expended  in  the  channels  of  peace  instead  of 
war.  The  world  has  never  seen  a  parallel  to  the  prepara- 
tions for  war  that  the  German  nation  made  in  the  present 
one.  This  could  not  have  been  brought  about  in  a  year  or 
two.  It  took  almost  a  century  to  accomplish  it,  and  to  make 
this  acme  of  pprfection  of  militarism  a  reality,  and — for 
what?  Was  it  for  the  defense  of  the  people  from  outside 
aggression,    or    for    defending    their    boundaries?     Scarcely. 


]9 

The  acts  of  the  German  Government  belie  this  assertion. 
Thej'-  liave  been  the  agofressors  always,  in  all  the  wars,  since 
Napoleon  was  on  the  i'ampaf>e.  It  has  simply  all  been  dont 
for  the  ap'^randizement  of  the  rulers.  Successful  conclu- 
sions of  all  the  wars  they  undertook,  more  power  and  con- 
trol of  other  people's  destiny  made  them  dizzy.  They  bepran 
to  chant  and  dream  of  world  control,  and  to-day  we  have 
the  result  of  this  dream,  and  tlic  desperate  effort  of  this 
Prussian  Junkerdpm  to  eonsuiiiinate  this  dream  into  a 
reality. 

The  Avay  this  has  been  accomplished  is  almost  incom|)re- 
hensible.  It  is  sta^tiering-  our  minds.  A  naturally  ])eace- 
loving-  people  has  been  developed  into  the  most  efficient  fight- 
ing machine  that  has  ever  been  known.  The  Government 
has  not  been  a  bad  jrovernment.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  a 
model  of  efficieney.  The  people  have  prospered  and  been 
looked  after  in  detail.  It  has  been  paternal  in  its  applica- 
tion.   Therein  lies  the  strength  of  the  rulers  with  the  people. 

But  to  what  end  has  this  been  done?  It  is  this — to  train 
and  perfect  a  fighting  machine.  A  disgruntled  and  dissat- 
isfied people  would  not  be  pliable  for  such  a  purpose.  The 
people's  mind  and  body  has  been  trained  to  one  purpose. 
That  purpose  was  war.  Nothing  Avas  left  undone  to  assure 
success.  The  residt  of  this  training  became  apparent  to  the 
most  unobserving  the  last  decade.  The  immigrants  that  came 
to  this  country  from  Germany  were  of  a  different  spirit  than 
those  of  a  half  century  ago.  They  seemed  to  be  imbued  with 
a  sense  of  superiority  and  an  everlasting  praising  of  tho 
fatherland  that  amounted  to  boasting  of  what  they  coidil 
do  in  a  military  way.  We  perhaps  laughed  at  them  or  ridi- 
culed them,  until  to-day  we  are  awake  to  the  fact  that  their 
boasting  was  riot  empty  words.  With  things  that  have  hap- 
pened since  this  war  started,  we  must  all  be  aware  what  we 
are  up  against.  It  will  take  our  most  strenuous  efforts  to 
break  this  foe's  spirit  and  might,  if  we  want  to  save  our  lib- 
erty and  free  instituti(ms  from  being  wrested  from  us.  Shot 
and  shell  alone  will  not  do  it  unless  we  kill  the  last  one,  for 
they  believe  that  they  are  right,  and  their  initial  successes  in 
this  war  have  convinced  them  in  the  belief  that  they  can  con- 
quer the  world,  because  they  are  challenging  the  world.  We 
must   use    other   weapons   besides   powder    and    sliot.      Such 


20 

mesengers  as  our  noble  President's  message  will  have  a  more 
wholesome  effect  on  the  people  of  Germany  than  a  billion 
dollai*s  worth  of  shells,  although  the  two  bring  opposite  re- 
sults. The  one  brings  hope  and  the  other  one  death ;  both 
will  break  the  spell  of  self-hypnotism  of  the  deluded  men  in 
the  trenches  of  the  foe. 

Let  some  of  the  aeroplanes  drop  love  messages  instead  of 
bombs  into  the  trenches,  let  them  be  WTitten  in  their  own 
tongues,  and'  the  cobwebs  will  slowly  clear  from  their  brains 
and  the  riders  will  certainly  lose  their  grip  on  the  men.  How 
mueh  better  this  would  be  than  to  scatter  their  brains  over 
mother  earth  that  is  already  saturated  with  precious  human 
blood. 


ONE  ANSWER  ONLY. 

By  Judge  Leo  Rassieur. 

Judge  Eassicur  was  horn  in,  Prussia  in  1844.  He  came 
to  this  country  as  a  boy.  During  the  Civil  War  he  served 
in  the  Union  Army  for  four  years  and  rose  from  tlie  ranks 
to  the  post  of  major.  He  has  since  been  a  judge  and  prac- 
ticing lawyer  in  St.  Louis.  He  was  commander  in  chief  of 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic,  1900-1. 

I  was  an  eyewitness  to  conditions  in  Gei-many  from  July 
16  to  August  3,  1914,  and  prior  thereto,  and  to  conditions  in 
Austria  after  the  assassination  of  the  heir  to  the  throne 

The  reported  enthusiasm  was  a  myth,  except  in  the  minds 
of  the  military  satraps  and  the  secret  service  of  the  two  Gov- 
ernments. The  reports  were  promulgated  by  the  secret  serv- 
ice of  these  countries  and  a  censored  press,  which  has  only 
been  tolerated  as  the  tool  of  autocratic  Governments,  as  is  well 
known  to  all  who  have  observed  wiiat  has  happened  to  those 
papers  which  occasionally  expressed  independent  opinions. 

The  German  Government  was  so  successful  in  debauching 
and  misrepresenting  public  opinion  in  German  that  it  at- 
tempted the  same  course  in  foreign  countries,  by  printing 
and  sending  broadcast  into  this  country  for  several  years  a 
number  of  weekly  sheets,  printed  in  English  and  also  in  Ger- 
man, and  if  there  be  any  doubters  as  to  this  country's  duty  at 
present,  they  have  permitted  themselves  to  be  led  astra}'  by 
the  manufactured  sentiments  emanating  from  Berlin. 

The  world  now  knows  of  the  powerful  military  machine 
constructed  by  the  Hohenzollern  dynasty  within  the  last  40 
years,  not  for  self-defense  alone,  but  for  the  destruction  of 
its  neighbors.  When  the  secret  history  of  this  war,  this 
crime  against  civilization,  is  written,  after  the  autocrats 
have  been  removed  from  power,  it  will  be  clear  that  the  press 
machine  in  Germany,  and  possibly  in  Austria,  was  no  less 
powerful  in  misleading  their  people  to  believe  that  they  are 
fighting  for  their  fatherlands,  when  fighting  in  fact  to 
gratify  the  lust  for  increased  and  unlimited  power  on  the 
part  of  their  rulers. 

The  right  of  halting  neutral  vessels,  examining  their 
cargo,  and  making  prizes  of  them,  is  regulated  by  inter- 
national law.  But  the  German  Government  destroyed  the 
vessels  with  all  on  board. 

(21) 


22 

Its  condiK-t  was  a  deliberate  disresrard  of  our  riirhts.  and 
a  deliberate  murder  of  our  citizens. 

The  Ciermau  Government,  after  strong:  protests  from  our 
Government,  promised  to  desist  from  pursuing  its  unlawful 
course. 

On  February  1.  or  shortly  prior  thereto,  when  the  German 
Government  believed  itself  strong:  enou^'h.  in  the  posses- 
sion of  a  suflieient  number  of  submarines,  it  notified  our 
Government  that  it  would  ruthlessly  destroy  every  neutral 
vessel  that  should  venture  into  the  sea  surroundiuLr  ICny:land, 
France,  and  Italy. 

Can  this  nation  permit  its  riy:hts  to  be  thus  trampled  upon 
and  preserve  its  self-respect? 

Can  we  maintain  our  standing  among:  the  nations  of  this 
earth  if  we  submit  to  this  arrotrance  on  the  part  of  Germany? 

\Vill  this  Nation  surrender  its  right  to  the  use  of  the  seas 
because  Germany  insists  that  the  submarine  is  the  only 
weapon  left  to  it,  and  that  it  must  trample  upon  our  rights 
in  order  to  make  effective  use  of  this  weapon  ? 

There  can  be  but  one  answer  to  this  question,  and  that 
answer  must  be  tliat  we  must  defend  our  rights  against  this 
encruachment,  regardless  of  cost  of  men  and  money,  if  we 
desire  to  renuiin  worthy  of  the  respect  of  the  workl. 

If  there  be  any  citizen,  however,  whose  patriotism  is  so 
weak  that  he  can  not  see  the  absolute  necessity  of  defending 
our  rights  on  the  seas,  then  let  him  think  of  the  conceded 
efforts  of  the  agents  of  the  German  Government  to  stir  up  a 
war  against  us  on  the  part  of  Mexico  and  Japan. 

If  there  ever  was  a  good  reason  for  this  country  to  de- 
fend itself  against  attack  by  declaring  war  against  Germany 
the  last  course  has  presented  that  reason. 

Any  other  course  than  a  declaration  of  war  would  make 
a  weakling  of  this  great  nation. 

Our  inrtuence  for  good  in  the  w^orld  would  be  destroyed, 
and  future  generations  would  be  ashamed  of  the  conduct  of 
their  fathers. 

Hence,  let  us  manfully  resolve  to  defend  our  rights,  cost 
what  it  will,  and  earnestly  appeal  to  Congress  to  take  such 
legislative  action  as  will  throw  our  lot  with  our  sister  Re- 
puldics.  France  and  Russia,  and  their  allies,  and  against  the 
domineering  course  of  autocracy. 


tPK.M.M   I  lUUARY  I  ACILlTy 


THE  CALL  AND  THE  REPLY. 

By  A,  J.  BucHER,  editor  of  Uaus  und  Herd,  Cinciimati,  Ohi 


«. 


The  fact  that  the  United  States  are  about  to  enter  war 
against  the  Central  Powers  of  Plurope  is  a  eaase  of  great 
sorrow  and  ])ain  to  us  Americans  of  German  descent.  We 
find  ourselves  thrown  into  a  conflict  of  feelings  and  also  of 
duties  such  as  we  have  never  experienced  before.  It  must 
now  become  manifest  what  our  loyalty  as  American  citizens 
is  worth.  It  is  worth  nothing  if  it  can  not  stand  the  most 
severe  test  of  the  present  crisis.  The  lines  of  duty  are  very 
clear  for  everyone  that  has  sworn  the  oath  of  naturaliza- 
tion. Under  all  possible  circumstances  we  have  to  stand 
faithfully  by  the  Star-Spangled  Banner.  The  individual  will 
has  to  yield  to  the  will  of  the  Nation,  as  it  is  expressed  by 
our  Congress  and  by  the  President.  And  no  former  con- 
nections whatever  nor  any  personal  sympathies  or  apathies, 
however  natural  and  strong  they  may  be,  must  be  allowed 
to  influence  our  sense  of  duty  in  this  respect.  To  America, 
which  we,  prompted  by  love  and  gratitude,  have  chosen  as 
our  new  homeland,  we  owe  everything  which  it  may  justly 
require  from  us  as  citizens.  When  conscience  speaks,  the 
hea»t  must  keep  silent. 

Let  us  remember  the  terrible  conflict  of  feelings  under 
which  many  a  father  and  husband  bade  farewell  to  wife  and; 
children  during  our  Civil  War  to  join  our  armies  and  to 
level  his  gun  against  friends  or  even  relatives  whose  sympa- 
thies were  on  the  other  side.  Such  painfully  difficult  deci- 
sions are  being  repeated  a  million  times  during  the  present 
world  war,  and  we  must  not  shun  them.  There  is  but  one 
authority  for  us  to  go  by  in  such  cases — conscience  combined 
with  duty.  Before  these  solemn  and  stern  majesties  we  have 
to  bow  in  Absolute  submission  in  the  present  crisis.  Lot  us 
do  it  in  gratitude  toward  America,  which  has  welcomed  us 

(23) 


24 

to  its  hospitable  sliorcs  and  has  given  us  opportunities  sucli 
as  the  old  country  simply  could  not  offer  to  most  of  us, 
and  which  lias  granted  us  polden  liberty  for  everythinjj  noble 
and  gO(>d  and  which  has  showered  an  abundance  of  blessings 
upon  us. 

^Vith  these  convictions  we  Americans  of  German  descent 
or  birth  shall  stand  by  our  flag  whatever  may  come — with 
hands  folded  for  intercession,  but  ready  as  well  for  sacri- 
fices and,  if  need  be,  to  fight,  let  us  support  our  Government 
and  pray  God  to  protect  our  beloved  American  homeland ! 


V 


